Kolom IBRAHIM ISA
Kemis, 26 Januari 2012
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SEKITAR "KAUM KIRI" – SIAPA & DIMANA MEREKA?
Menjelang Tahun Baru Imlek, ---- hari Minggu tanggal 22 Januari, 2012
yl, kurang-lebih lima- puluhan sahabat-sahabat Indonesia di Belanda
mengadakan pertemuan di "Restaurant Lei Ping", Amsterdam. Antara lain
untuk menyambut TAHUN BARU IMLEK.
Pengertian di kalangan sementara orang Indonesia masih belum sama. Ada
yang mengucapkan 'Selamat Tahun Baru Imlek, kepada yang bersangkutan'.,
dll. Maksudnya kepada teman-temannya yang turunan Tionghoa. Padahal
Tahun Baru Imlek adalah HARI NASIONAL. Sama halnya dengan Tahun Baru
yang sama-sama kita rayakan secara nasional.
Dalam cakap-cakap hari itu, hal ini diingatkan kembali. Sekarang ini,
Tahun Baru Imlek, pengertiannya bukanlah 'Tahun Baru Ciné' . . . . .
seperti 'tempo doeloe'. Terutama sejak jatuhnya Suharto, kita sama-sama
merayakannya. Karena hari itu adalah HARI RAYA NASIONAL KITA.
* * *
Pertemuan sahabat-sahabat Indonesia itu, sudah menjadi kegiatan
tukar-fikiran yang reguler. Kali ini memang dipadukan dengan menyambut
datangnya "Tahun Naga". Kami makan-bersama mi-goreng, kueh-ranjang dll,
suguhan Siauw May Lie dan Azis Burhan. Banyak terima kasih kita ucapkan
untuk suguhan itu.
* * *
Yang ingin dicakapkan di sini ialah ini: Dalam acara cakap-cakap hari
Minggu yl itu, salah satu temanya adalah "TENTANG KAUM KIRI DI
INDONESIA" Kebetulan aku diminta untuk memberikan pemahamanku mengenai
tema tsb setelah berkali-kali berkunjung ke Indonesia. |Terutama setelah
diskusi-diskusi dengan kaum muda di Indonesia yang menurut pemahamanku
tergolong atau banyak berpandangan "Kiri".
Hasil cakap-cakap itu mengarah pada kesimpulanku pribadi, bahwa ada
beberapa faktor, mengapa KAUM KIRI BELUM MERUPAKAN SUATU KEKUATAN
BERSATU YANG UTUH dan DIPERHITUNGKAN OLEH KAWAN MAUPUN LAWAN.
Faktor-faktor yang menyebabkannya antara lain adalah:
1 - Jelas, dimana-mana marak grup-grup dan forum-forum serta
organisasi-organisasi yang bisa dikatagorikan Kiri. Tetapi belum
berhasil membuat suatu platfom atau forum dengan program besar bersama
mengenai Indonesia, kini dan hari-depannya.
2 - Umumnya masih bersikap menantikn situasi "MOMENTUM" begelorannya
gerakan dengan tuntutan yang progresif seperi ketika berkobarnya gerakan
dan tuntutan turunnya Presiden Suharto, serta dilaksanakannya Reformasi
dan Demokrasi, pada periode sekitar Mei 1998.
3 – Masing-masing grup, forum, organisasi masyarakat, bahkan parpol, dsb
merasa dirinya yang paling besar, kuat, paling dulu, paling Kiri, serta
paling benar. Maka menganggap dirinyalah yang harus jadi inti dari
gerakan Kiri di Indonesia, karena merasa dirinya atau kelompoknyalah
yang merupakan kekuatan politik dan massa dengan strategi dan taktik
yang tepat.
4 – Terdapat perasaan iri dan cemburu di kalangan kaum Kiri. Seperti
perasaan: "Mengapa dia,- – - bukankah seharusnya saya atau kami yang
lebih dulu dan lebih mampu dsb.
Mengenai hal-hah yang dikemukakan diatas, berhubung masih mendengarkan
pendapat tema-tema lainnya dan kurangnya waktu, maka masih belum sempat
diadakan tukar-fikiran. Dimaksudkan akan dilanjutkan pada kali berikutnya.
* * *
/Kok, pas sekali, tadi malam kuterima sebuah artikel yang ditulis oleh
seorang profesor Australia: //*Katharine McGregor. *//Kukenal baik dia.
Tahun lalu kami bertemu dan cakap-cakap panjang lebar di Perpustakaan
Umum Amsterdam, OBA. /
/Artikel profesor Australia itu berjudul: //*WHAT'S WRONG WITH
COMTEMPORARY INDONESIA?*//Ada Masalah Apa Dengan Indonesia Dewasa Ini?.
Katharine menceriterkan cakap-cakapnya dengan salah seorang aktivis Kiri
Indonesia://*HARSUTEDJO,*//nama lengkapnya adalah Harsono Sutedjo.
Dimuat di majalah Australia, //*"INSIDE INDONESIA", 23 Januari 2012*//.
Sebuah majalah (quarterly )– kwartalan, mengenai Indonesia, rakyat,
kebudayaan, politik, ekonomi dan lingkungan hidupnya. Inside Indonesia
mula diterbitkan di Melbourne tahun 1983, oleh IRIP (the Indonesian
Resources and Information Program (IRIP). Mudah, kok, bisa dicari di
Google.com./
/Menarik sekali tulisan McGregor itu. Karena, di situ ditulis tentang
tinjauan ke masa lalu, oleh *Harsutejo*, seorang Kiri Indonesia,
mengenai kariernya dalam politik, dan mengenai keadaan Indonesia dewasa
ini. Harsutedjo menyebutkankan 'kekurangan-kekurangan' gerakan Kiri masa
lampau, serta bagaimana sebaiknya sekarang dan selanjutnya./
/* * */
/Yang juga menarik dari nomor INSIDE INDONESIA kali ini, ialah kumpulan
tulisan yang analitis dan kritis yang ditampilkan di situ, berjudul:
*WHERE IS THE LEFT? */
/Misalnya ada *Edward Aspinall* dengan tulisan berjudul *WHERE IS THE
LEFT?*.*Dimana Kaum Kiri Itu?* Dikemuakan a.l. : Kadang-kadang tampaknya
ada sedikit (saja) ruangan untuk politik progresif di Indonesia. /
/Satu lagi artikel Aspinall berjudul: *STILL AN AGE OF ACTIVISM.* Dengan
pengantar: Politik-politik Kiri ter-fragmentasi, tetapi, yang
mengherankan adalah, bahwa, ide-ide Sayap-Kiri : PUNYA PENGARUH./
/Diikuti oleh tulisan *Jeffrey Winters*, berjudul: *JALAN MENUJU KE
PRSIDEN (PILIHAN) RAKYAT.* Tulisan itu mengedepankan ide: Bila
orang-orang Indonesia mau menemukan calon untuk melawan kaum oligarki,
mereka harus mulai dengan melakukan pekerjaan organisasi sekarang ini./
/Menyusul tulisan berjudul: *LOCATING THE POWER OF LABOUR*, Menemukan
Kekuatan Buruh, oleh *Benny Hari Juliawan*. Dimulai dengan
kalimat-kalimat ini: Kaum Buruh bukan merupakan kekuatan dominan dalam
kehidupan politik, tetapi mereka itu jauh dari tak-punya-kekuatan./
/Menyusul tulisan oleh *Rianto Bachriadi*, berjudul *BERJUANG UNTUK
TANAH* -- Gerakan Sosial di pedesaan punya latar belakantg sejarah kaya
di Indonesia. Dan mereka telah mencatat hasil-hasil penting dalam
tahun-tahun belakangan ini . /
/Menarik bahwa penulisnya memulai tulisannya dengan mengingatkan bahwa
dalam tahun 1953, *DN Aidit* yang ketika itu merupakan bintang muda yang
sedang menanjak di PKI, mengajukan analisanya tentang masyarakat agraria
Indonesia. Aidit mengatakan bahwa revolusi agraria harus merupakan
hakikat dari revolusi demokrasi rakyat di Indonesia. Dalam kongres
kelima partai setahun kemudian, PKI mensahkan analisa Aidit sebagai inti
dari program agraria yang baru. Program tsb berseru kepada partai untuk
membangun kekuatan massa di pedesaan, serta menjadikan perjuangan untuk
landreform sebagai seruan utamanya, dengan menggunakan slogan *"TANAH
UNTUK KAUM TANI".*/
/Tulisan selanjutnya oleh *Vedi R. Hadiz*, berjudul "*ISLAMISM YES,
COMMUNISM NO!".* Didahului dengan kalimat-kalimat sbb: Islamisme semakin
mengokoh di bagian-bagian dari Jawa/
/yang dulunya adalah benteng-benteng kaum Kiri./
/Yang terakhir adalah tulisan *Prof, Katharine McGregor*, yang sudah
dibicarakan di atas. Berjudul:*"ADA MASALAH APA DENGAN INDONESIA DEWASA
INI? "*/
/* * */
/Artikel-artikel yang disajikan oleh INSIDE INDONESIA itu, penting dan
menarik sebagai bahan analitis yang kritis, untuk bahan pertimbangan
bagi siapa saja yang berniat mengenal keadaaan kaum Kiri di Indonesia
dewasa ini. /
/Bahan-bahan itu semuanya dalam bahasa Inggris. Dalam siaran ini tidak
diterjmahkan. Karena bahasa Inggris cukup dikenal dan dikuasai oleh yang
berpendidikan umum dan masyarakat Indonesia peduli politik dewasa ini./
/* * */
/Di bawah ini dilampirkan tulisan lengkap Prof Katharine McGregor:/
"/*WHAT IS WRONG WITH CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA*"/
/By Katharine McGregor, Monday, 16 January 2012/
/*Harsono Sutedjo, a*n old leftist looks back at his career in politics,
and at the state of Indonesia today/
/* * */
/Between 1965 and 1968 half a million Indonesians were killed by the
military and /
/civilian vigilantes and hundreds of thousands imprisoned without trial.
The /
/purpose of this violence was to eliminate the Indonesian left which had
wanted /
/to introduce socialism to Indonesia. The repression targeted not only
members of /
/the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) and affiliated organisations, but
also /
/Sukarno supporters from the Indonesian Nationalist Party and the military./
/It is thus hard to generalise about the political views of the broad
spectrum of /
/people targeted in this violence, including those who survived the
killings or /
/imprisonment. Nevertheless, asking the survivors to reflect on the
state of /
/contemporary Indonesia is one way we can gauge what was lost from
Indonesia's /
/political life with the destruction of the left, and to look for
continuities /
/between earlier and contemporary periods of political struggle. In this
article /
/I explore the opinions of one former political prisoner about
contemporary /
/Indonesia in order to assess what is left of the Indonesian left./
/A life in politics/
/Harsutejo (Harsono Sutedjo) was born in the late 1930s in Wlingi East
Java. His /
/mother was an illiterate farmer who managed an aunt's rice farm.
Although she /
/remained illiterate for life she always stressed the importance of
education to /
/Harsutejo. His father was a sugar factory employee who frequently
challenged his /
/Dutch boss. He was detained and imprisoned by the Dutch for his
activities in /
/the leftist organisation, Sarekat Rakyat (People's Association) and by
the /
/Japanese for his involvement in the underground resistance to Japanese
rule. On /
/the second occasion, he was dragged from the bedroom in their family
home, /
/stripped naked and kicked in front of the family. The violence of this
arrest /
/triggered in Harsutejo feelings of revenge towards colonialists, but
also a /
/rejection of violent methods./
/When the Japanese period (1942-45) ended his father was released and
joined the /
/struggle against the Dutch. Many important figures in the independence
struggle /
/(1945-1949) visited Harsutejo's house when he was a young boy. He was
surrounded /
/by talk of politics. When his father was pursued by the Dutch, the
family fled /
/to the mountains and lived with another family. Harsutejo worked as a
courier /
/for the revolution and witnessed much violence during this period./
/In 1953, Harsutejo joined his first organisation, IPPI (Indonesian High
School /
/Students and Youth Association). Although IPPI discussed some national
issues /
/such as the struggle for the 'return' of Western New Guinea (now known
as Papua) /
/to Indonesia, his participation in IPPI focused on cultural activities.
In 1957, /
/he joined Pemuda Rakyat (People's Youth), a youth organisation
affiliated with /
/the PKI. He continued to be involved in cultural productions like poetry /
/reading, choirs and ensembles as a means of promoting the organisation./
/Harsutedjo read widely as a child and he was the only member of his
family to /
/complete a university degree. When he began his degree in cultural
history at /
/Airlangga University in Malang he joined the student organisation CGMI /
/(Indonesian Student Movement Centre). Again he was involved in cultural /
/activities, but also in protests against the Dutch refusal to surrender
the /
/territory of Western New Guinea to the Republic. He recalls being part
of a /
/crowd that surrounded a Dutch school in Malang and told the students
and staff /
/to go home. By the late 1950s, the Indonesian government had
nationalised all /
/Dutch assets and also began to expel Dutch nationals. CGMI activists
protested /
/against the Vietnam War and against nuclear weapons. They connected
Indonesian /
/struggles to those in similar countries at the time./
/After graduating and becoming a lecturer at Airlangga, Harsutedjo
joined HSI /
/(Indonesian Graduates' Association). Like the other organisations he
had joined, /
/it opposed imperialism and feudalism and promoted socialism as the best /
/political system. One of their greatest concerns was that Indonesia
would become /
'/just a puppet state to be used by others'. By the mid-1960s, as
President /
/Sukarno leaned increasingly to the left, Harsutedjo recalls that most
radicals /
/were convinced that Indonesia would become socialist, or at least
implement an /
/Indonesian form of socialism./
/Harsutejo was conscious of challenges from conservative groups to all the /
/left-aligned organisations he joined. Yet 'we felt a sense of strength
and that /
/the government was on our side'. Like many other members of mass
organisations, /
/Harsutejo was unprepared for the violent assault following the Thirtieth /
/September Movement event. He stated that 'no-one imagined it would be
so bad.' /
/In his view, they should have been better prepared for such an attack./
/Harsutejo was arrested in Malang in 1965 and imprisoned for six months.
He fled /
/to Surabaya and then Jakarta so as to avoid the pernicious monitoring the /
/Suharto regime imposed on former political prisoners. After assuming a
new /
/identity and cutting all family ties, Harsutedjo worked in a foreign
bank for /
/two decades./
/Staying steady/
/In an interview in Bekasi I asked if and in what sense he considered
himself /
/representative of the Indonesian left. He responded that he defined
himself as a /
/leftist in that he was 'anti- establishment, anti-feudal,
anti-capitalist and /
/anti-bureaucratic'. In short, he is for the people and opposes anything
that /
/does not support the people's interests./
/He stated that his basic political views had not changed throughout his
life, /
/but he now believed that the way to communicate these ideas should be
more /
/moderate. 'I am probably different to others who think that socialism
can be /
/implemented just as we learned in the past. In the Soviet Union it
failed. /
/Suryono a former journalist for Harian Rakyat (People's Daily) said in
the /
/Soviet Union the communist party ran the country, but he did not meet one /
/communist.'/
/Harsutedjo began to have hesitations about the Soviet Union as a model
for /
/Indonesia in the 1950s, when he learnt about the violent repression in
Poland /
/and Hungary. As for China as model he noted, 'In the People's Republic
they said /
/they would build communism, they have developed a lot but in the end
there is a /
/big gap between the rich and the poor.'/
/Reflecting on the Indonesian left in the 1960s Harsutejo comments that
'our /
/methods were too extreme, our language was too strong, it had no
nuance. We /
/conceptualised things in black and white'. In this rare critique from a
former /
/activist, Harsutejo recalls the dogmatic nature of politics in the mid
1960s as /
/those of the left called for a 'retooling' of people who were not
sufficiently /
/anti-imperialist or anti-feudalist./
/Our methods were too extreme, our language was too strong, it had no/
/nuance. We conceptualised things in black and white./
/When asked to compare the pre-1965 period with today's Indonesia,
Harsutedjo /
/commented that 'the gap between the rich and poor was not so
pronounced, while /
/we spoke of capitalist bureaucrats this referred largely to the
military and /
/civilians'. He feels that there was a greater sense of social
conscience after /
/independence, perhaps because the people were more spirited. From
independence /
/onwards there were united efforts, for example, to eradicate illiteracy./
/During the Suharto era, Harsutedjo observed the escalation of
capitalism in /
/Indonesia from within the system. Working in a foreign bank, an
institution that /
/symbolises modern capitalism, he was sometimes frustrated as to how he
could /
/achieve change in society. He studied banking laws and attempted to
ensure the /
/bank's policies were fair with regard to Indonesian interests./
/After the fall of Suharto in 1998, Harsutedjo began to publish works
about his /
/experiences and about his political views. In 2010 he published a book, /
/Dictionary of the New Order's Crimes: Love your Homeland and Your Nation. /
/Although the book is focused on the New Order it traces not only the
crimes of /
/that regime, but also its enduring legacies. In it, Harsutedjo provides a /
/comprehensive catalogue of all the problems he sees today in Indonesian
society /
/and the need for a stronger sense of nationalism. Some key themes of
the book /
/are environmental exploitation, foreign ownership of Indonesian assets
and the /
/neglect of human rights, including the rights of the poor./
/*From red to green*/
/Harsutedjo explains that for him 'loving one's country means protecting
and /
/safeguarding the land and water that we own and all that grows and
lives in it, /
/all flora and fauna and all water and sea as well as the air above it
and its /
/people' (p. 5). He expresses great regret that Indonesian leaders do
not seem to /
/value these things as evidenced by the 2002 'loss' to Malaysia of the two /
/islands of Sipadan and Ligitan at the border of East Kalimantan.
According to /
/him, the two islands were handed over because of a regime that
'prioritised its /
/own power and its own pockets'. More small islands have been and will
continue /
/to be lost and to sink because of 'the greed of giant investors'.
According to /
/Harsutedjo 'They collude with the regime to steadily steal the coral,
the sand /
/and to dig up the mangrove trees which have for thousands of years
guarded and /
/preserved our seas and our land' (p. 5)./
/The illegal sale of timber, sand and soil at low prices to Singapore is
evidence /
/that Indonesians have already sold their homeland' (p. 5). Throughout his /
/dictionary Harsutedjo lists many other cases in which Indonesia's
economic /
/sovereignty has been compromised such as through the sale of mining and
oil /
/concessions to foreigners. In our interview, Harsutedjo stated that
'compared to /
/the Sukarno era there is now more foreign exploitation, but also national /
/exploitation'. He gives the example of the privatisation of water for
use in /
/rice fields and of drinking water./
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