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Wednesday 20 June 2012

[wanita-muslimah] IBRAHIM ISA'S -- FOCUS ON PAPUA

 

*IBRAHIM ISA'S -- FOCUS ON PAPUA*
*Wednesday, June 20, 2010*
*-------------------------------*

*-- President should return home to solve Papuan conflicts: *

*-- ***Govt has been talking to Papuan separatists **

**-- SBY handling of human rights violations disappointing**

**-- Police share blame in Mesuji killings**

**-- Lesson of Indonesia's democratic experience**

**----------------------------------------------------------**

*KontraS: *

*President should return home to solve Papuan conflicts: *

The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Tue, 06/19/2012

*Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (JP)*A human rights activist said on Tuesday
that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono should immediately return to
Indonesia to solve the escalating conflicts in Papua.

The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
coordinator Haris Azhar said that Yudhoyono, who is currently attending
the G20 Summit in Los Cabos, Mexico, should "unravel the Papuan
conflicts with his own hands."

"The President should come back to Indonesia in the next few days to
organize a conflict resolution team for Papua as soon as possible,"
Haris said as quoted by tempo.co. "He [Yudhoyono] should also start
dialogues with related parties."

Haris said he was pessimistic about the dialogue between the government
and Papuan community members, saying that Coordinating Political, Legal,
and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto had a tendency to defend the
security officers, particularly in the killing of Papua independence
activist, Mako Tabuni.

"He [Djoko] should have listened to the opinion from eyewitnesses in the
community first, but he went on to defend the law enforcers instead,"
said Haris.

Commenting on this, Haris said that it was about time Yudhoyono took on
Papuan matters by trying to hold dialogues with the Papuans.

Tabuni died an hour after he was shot by law enforcers last Thursday.

The police claimed that they had to shoot Tabuni because he was
violently resisting the officers who were trying to arrest him. Tabuni
was reported to have been involved in a number of provocative and
violent incidents. (asa)

*Govt has been talking to Papuan separatists since December: Djoko*

Bagus BT Saragih, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Wed, 06/20/2012

The government says that it has been in talks with the separatist Free
Papua Movement (OPM) since last year --- months before the start of the
latest wave of violence in Papua that has killed 17.

The talks with the OPM began in December and had not been easy, as
members of the group had to be coaxed to "leave the mountains and join
society," Coordinating Political, Legal, and Security Affairs Minister
Air Marshall (ret.) Djoko Suyanto said on Monday.

"The government has continued to approach the OPM by sending a
delegation," Djoko told reporters in Jayapura on Monday as reported by
Antara news agency.

The delegation, which includes several high-ranking military, police and
intelligence officials, left Jakarta for Jayapura on Monday.

Among the delegation are Djoko, National Police chief Gen. Timur
Pradopo, Indonesian Military
(TNI) chief Adm. Agus Suhartono, and National Intelligence Agency (BIN)
chief Lt. Gen. Marciano
Norman.

The government has continued to blame the OPM for the deteriorating
security situation in Papua while declining to provide concrete evidence
of the group's complicity in the violence that has wracked the province
in recent months.

Police officers, for example, shot and killed Papuan activist Mako
Tabuni in Waena on June 14 for allegedly resisting arrest for his
supposed involvement in seven violent attacks.

Mako was deputy chairman of the National Committee for West Papua
(KNPB), which supports a referendum on Papuan independence.

Tabuni's supporters retaliated by setting ablaze dozens of vehicles and
properties in the city.

The incident was the latest in a series of bloody incidents involving
civilians and security officials.

The delegation from the central government held a closed-door meeting
with religious and tribal leaders soon after their Indonesian Air Force
Boeing 737 landed at Sentani Airport in Jayapura, Papua, on Tuesday.

Also in attendance at the meeting were Papua Legislative Council speaker
Jhon Ibo, Papuan People's Assembly speaker Timotius Murib and Interim
Papua Governor Syamsul Arief Rivai.

Djoko and his entourage then met with members of the Papua General
Elections Commission (KPUD).

Local politics have been touted as one potential cause of the renewed
violence, following the
postponement of the provincial gubernatorial election.

The officials left Jayapura for Timika later on Tuesday and are expected
to arrive in Manokwari, the capital of West Papua, on Wednesday.

Djoko has said his agenda in Papua was part of the government's
commitment to promote dialogue to address the situation in the region
rather than stepping up security measures.

Contracted separately, Haris Azhar, the coordinator of the Commission
for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said he welcomed
the government's initiative to promote dialogue.

Haris, however, said that the security and intelligence officials had
picked the wrong time for the meeting, as many Papuans remained angered,
fearful and on edge over the violent attacks.

"Papuans are now psychologically uncomfortable. Papuans are still losing
confidence to the
government, particularly following the amateurish actions of the
National Police and TNI troops,"
Haris s

*SBY handling of human rights violations disappointing: Kontras*

The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Thu, 12/29/2011

Many victims and their family members of human rights violation cases
expressed their disappointment in the way President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono's (SBY) administration has handled human rights violation cases.

"We are deeply disappointed with President SBY, who did not deliver on
his political commitment to resolve past gross human rights violation
cases," Indria Fernida, deputy coordinator of the Commission for Missing
Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said as quoted by
/tribunnews.com /on Thursday.

Kontras gathered victims of gross human rights violations and their
families during an event titled the "Year End Message from Human Rights
Violation Victims" at its office in Jakarta.

"Cases of gross human rights violations such as Trisakti, Semanggi I and
II (took place in 1998-1999 respectively), the May 1998 incident and the
kidnapping in 1997-1998, Talangsari, and Wasior-Wamena of Papua
(2001-2003 respectively) are all stuck at the Attorney General's Office
(AGO)," said Indira.

In the midst of uncertain legal processes regarding those human rights
cases, the president has even encouraged non-legal settlements, such as
a national consensus.

*Police share blame in Mesuji killings: *

The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | National | Thu, 12/15/2011

Police contributed to the mass killing in Mesuji, Lampung according to
the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras).

"We suspect there was collaboration between the plantation company,
security forces and PAM Swakarsa [civilian militia] to deal with local
people. In the last two years there were many cases that were reported
but [have been] neglected afterwards. Even if [the police] responded,

it was only on the surface," Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar said
Thursday as quoted by /kompas.com./

Lampung residents made allegations of the brutal killings in Mesuji,
Lampung to members of the House of Representatives' Commission III on
Wednesday.

Thirty people were killed after violence erupted when a Malaysian-based
company, PT PT Silva Inhutani, took the residents' land in 2003 to plant
rubber and palm.

Maj. Gen. (ret.) Saurip Kadi, a member of Mesuji residents' advocacy
team, said the company sought help from the police and established a
private militia to cast out the residents from their land.

He said the private security force was established to do all the dirty
work, primarily intimidating locals, right under the police's nose.

"Police should be held responsible over this incident. Why did they back
up and let the [private militia] commit the violence. If the police
punished only officers for shooting charges and punished them with only
21-day suspensions then it looks like the police want only to cover this
for awhile," he said.

*Lesson of Indonesia's democratic experience*

/<The article is an excerpt of the President's speech at the opening of
the Sixth Assembly of World Movement for Democracy in Jakarta on April
12, 2010.>/

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, 04/15/2010

On behalf of the government and people of Indonesia, I am pleased to
extend a very warm welcome to all of you to Jakarta. This is a very
impressive gathering of the members of the World Movement for Democracy.

We see a positive trend of significant expansion of democracy,
particularly in the second half of the 20th century. Democracy expanded
in many regions of the world. It also swept Indonesia in 1997 -- and
changed us for good. As a result, the political map of the world was
significantly changed, with all its strategic, geopolitical, economic
and social consequences.

But at the same time, we also see a parallel trend of democracies in
distress. Military coup, political instability, constitutional crisis,
divisive polarization, violent conflicts, the return to authoritarianism
and failed states.

Democracy, as we all know too well in Indonesia from experience, is
never easy, never smooth and never linear. It always involves a painful
process of trial and error, with many ups and downs.

I have no doubt that the future belongs to those who are willing to
embrace pluralism, openness and freedom. I say this based on the
Indonesian experience. For decades, when we experienced high economic
growth in the 1970s and 1980s, Indonesians found convenient cover in our
"comfort zone", an authoritarian system that sought stability,
development and national unity at all costs.

It was widely held that democracy would lead to national regress, rather
than progress. Thus, our political development had to proceed through a
very narrow and rigid corridor. Certainty was much more preferred than
uncertainty.

Yes, it took some noisy soul searching and fierce public debate about
the form and pace of democratic change. But 10 years after we held our
first free elections in 1999, democracy in Indonesia is irreversible and
a daily fact of life.

Indonesia's democratic experience is relevant also in another way. For
decades, we lived in environment which argued that we had to choose
between democracy and economic growth. I do not wish to prejudge my
predecessor. But I can tell you that such is no longer the case of
today's Indonesia. Today, our democracy is growing strong, while at the
same time, Indonesia is registering the third highest economic growth
among G20 countries, after China and India.

Indonesia's democratic experience is also relevant if you consider the
doomsday scenario about it. Indonesia was in total disarray. Our economy
contracted by 12 percent. Ethnic violence flared up. East Timor seceded
from Indonesia. Terrorist bombs were exploding. Constitutional crisis
seemed endless. Even Thomas Friedman called Indonesia, like Russia, "the
messy state -- too large to work, too important to fail". Many predicted
Indonesia, after East Timor's secession, would break apart into pieces.
Some even talked about us becoming a failed state.

But we proved the skeptics wrong. Indonesia's democracy has grown from
strength to strength. We held three peaceful periodic national
elections: In 1999, in 2004 and in 2009. We peacefully resolved the
conflict in Aceh and pursued political and economic reforms in Papua. We
made human rights protection a national priority. We pushed forward
ambitious decentralization. Rather than regressing, Indonesia is
progressing.

One of the key lessons for us is that democracy must connect with good
governance. In the early years of our transition, this was one of the
hardest things to do. We were so consumed in the euphoria of our
newfound freedom that there was a time that governance suffered.

I can tell you that one of the key challenges for our democratic
development is how to minimize and ultimately do away with "money
politics". Money politics can seriously undermine democracy because it
induces elected leaders and politicians to serve their pay masters at
the expense of the public good. It also produces artificial democracy,
one that betrays public trust and crushes the democratic ideals and
conscience.

I believe that the more money politics prevail, the less the people's
aspirations will be heard, and the more democracy will suffer.
Certainly, fighting money politics will be a short, medium and long term
challenge for Indonesia's democracy.

This is why in our democratic development it is extremely critical to
build lasting institutions. In the past 10 years, this is precisely what
we have done. Our periodic elections ensure political accountability and
peaceful changeovers. The office of the President is no longer the
all-powerful dominant executive that it once was. The military and
police no longer intervene in politics. The Parliament is vibrant and
completely independent, and so is the judiciary. The constitutional
relations among them are clearly defined. And the rule of law reigns
supreme in our land.

All this is important because leaders may come and go, but the system
must remain and democracy must go on. One of the reasons our democracy
has held up is that it is completely homegrown. Yes, our democracy came
out of a political crisis that was triggered by the 1997 financial
crisis, which originated from outside our borders. But the desire to get
rid of corruption, collusion and nepotism came wholly from within.

Thus, if we in Indonesia have made the right turns in history, it is
only because that power of judgment rests at the hands of the good
people who exercise it with great caution. That is why the most terrible
thing to waste in a democracy is the mandate from the people, and the
most precious asset to keep is the public trust.

Indeed, I see democratic development as a constant process of expanding
opportunities and empowerment of the people. It is a process to promote
gender equality and bring more women into politics. It is a process to
reach out to those that are still marginalized. It is a process to
prevent a tyranny of the majority, and build a national consensus on the
future direction of a country. It is a democracy where every citizen can
become a stake-holder.

We in Indonesia have shown, by example, that Islam, democracy and
modernity can grow together. We are a living example that there is no
conflict between a Muslim's spiritual obligation to Allah SWT, his civic
responsibility as a citizen in a pluralist society and his capacity to
succeed in the modern world.

This brand of moderation, openness and tolerance in Indonesia and in
other societies around the world is the seed of a 21st century world
order marked by harmony among civilizations.

It is a sad fact that humanity has never had the good fortune to enjoy a
century without conflict or contest between civilizations and cultures.
But the 21st century can be different. It need not be a century of clash
of civilizations. It can be a century marked by the emergence of global
conscience across cultures and civilizations, working together to
advance common cause of peace and progress.

Finally, it is time for us to build on this solidarity across cultures
to promote a confluence of civilizations and make the 21st century the
best century in the history of mankind.

/* * */

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